Support Hyperallergic’s independent arts journalism.
BÓGOTA — Colombians took to social media this weekend to denounce what is being called censorship after military officials reportedly stopped a group of artists from completing a mural that questions the role of five generals in thousands of extrajudicial killings committed more than a decade ago.
As part of a campaign to raise awareness on the series of crimes committed by the Colombian state, 11 human rights organizations hired graffiti artists to visually represent the military apparatus that executed thousands of poor farmers, youths, and other civilians from 2000 to 2010, during the height of the war against rebel fighters.
Que el mundo lo sepa: el Estado Colombiano en el mandato de Álvaro Uribe Vélez y siendo Ministro de Defensa Juan Manuel Santos asesino a miles de personas usando como brazo criminal al Ejército Nacional, eso nunca lo van a poder borrar.#EjercitoCensuraMural pic.twitter.com/HqgftqQ9BA
— Luz Marina Bernal P. (@LuzMBernalParra) October 19, 2019
With a peace deal signed between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia in 2016, it’s expected that the truth behind some of the gravest human rights violations will surface in the upcoming years. One question that remains to be answered is if high-ranking military officials and politicians planned the systematic killings.
“Who gave the command?” is the question that six artists expected to paint in Colombia’s capital, on a giant wall facing a highly-trafficked highway. But before they could do so, military officials pulled up in their cars and started to record the scene with their phones. According to the artists, six soldiers sporting long-range rifles arrived later.
“The team felt intimidated and vulnerable before the exaggerated presence of the military as a response to the mural that we were realizing,” said the artists in a collective statement to Hyperallergic. The artists preferred to remain anonymous for fear of retaliation.
“The military officials asked us who we were, what we were doing, who had given us permission to do the mural, who had paid us to do so and told us to hand over our identification,” said Sebastián Bojacá, a lawyer of the Colombian Commission of Jurists (CCJ) who was present that night. The CCJ is one of the organizations behind the campaign and is legally representing victims of extrajudicial killings.
Como el @COL_EJERCITO borró el mural en el que se denunciaban los más de 5 mil falsos positivos, pues aquí lo dejo y a mí no me lo pueden borrar.
Estos son los rostros de quienes estaban al mando cuando se cometieron los asesinatos.#CampañaPorLaVerdad#EjercitoCensuraMural pic.twitter.com/mlL3z78wis
— Mauricio Gómez-Buriticá ? (@elmago_b) October 19, 2019
Bojacá said that the military called the police and while they waited, 26 more officials arrived — 22 of them in uniform and another four dressed in civilian clothes and hoodies hiding their faces. The officials proceeded to cover the mural with white paint, starting with the portraits of the generals. The police ticketed one of the artists and a journalist that was accompanying the group for allegedly vandalizing a public space.
“In what was in some ways a threat, the military manifested that if we didn’t leave, they would issue us more tickets,” Bojacá said.
The lawyer claimed that this is the first time in Colombian history that the military intervened in and halted the painting of a mural, given that local police usually attend to these types of graffiti-related incidents. What is especially worrisome for those involved is that the officials said they were ordered to cover up the mural although they wouldn’t specify who.
“We categorically reject this act of censorship committed by the military to this campaign for truth and we know that this response didn’t do more than make evident that they are afraid of the truth,” the artists wrote.
The mural depicted five active and retired generals, including the current commander of the military Nicacio Martínez and the former top commander Mario Montoya, who have all been questioned for their role in extrajudicial killings. These crimes cost the lives of at least 5,763 civilians over the course of a decade, according to the human rights groups behind the mural.
The image is straightforward. The design includes data on the total number of civilians killed from 2000 to 2010 and couples the portraits of the generals with their names and the number of extrajudicial killings allegedly committed by subordinates under their command.
“[The military] had strong, political reasons for erasing the mural. It wasn’t because it was illegal, it wasn’t because they were doing it at night, or because they were smoking weed. It was because of the message,” said a member of Puro Veneno, an anonymous graffiti collective that has been fiercely critical of the political establishment.
The artists added that contrary to what the military and the police claim, the mural was painted on the wall of a private building with the permission of the owner. The lawyer said they would challenge the tickets because of the irregular manner with which they were issued.
Hours after the mural was erased, social media users picked up on the news after the Puro Veneno collective shared it to its tens of thousands of Instagram followers and made the original design viral with the hashtag #EjercitoCensuraMural or #MilitaryCensorsMural.
One user commented, “They can erase the mural but they can never erase the memory. Thousands of youths were killed by the military under the government of [former president] Álvaro Uribe.”
José Miguel Vivanco, director of Human Rights Watch’ Americas division, tweeted: “This is a flagrant case of censorship. The Inspector General’s Office should open a disciplinary investigation. Who ordered this abuse?”
The military and the Ministry of Defense have yet to publicly comment on the incident. A military spokesperson told Hyperallergic there is currently no official information available. Senator Paola Holguín and Senator Maria Fernanda Cabal did not respond to a request for comment. The office of Bogotá City Council member Daniel Palacios declined to comment on the incident because they said the councilman had no part in the matter.
Podrán borrar un mural pero nunca la memoria. Miles de jóvenes fueron asesinados por @Ejercito_Col bajo el gobierno de @AlvaroUribeVel. La lucha por la justicia tampoco la detendrán, así tiendan cortinas de humo#EjercitoCensuraMural @MAFAPOBOGOTA @CSPP_ @nytimes @DefenderLiberta pic.twitter.com/fPMbPxEI7W
— Zoraida Hernandez (@ZoraidaDDHH) October 19, 2019
Meanwhile, Puro Veneno uploaded a high-quality version of the design online, encouraging followers across the country to print and to share the image on the streets. The response to their call was immediate, the member of the collective said.
“In these days, we’ve received images from people who printed the design and pasted it and handed it out in the form of stickers. In the end, this all provoked interesting ways for people to manifest their indignation,” the member said.
Bojacá explained that the muralists and their collaborators remain concerned for their safety, given that military officials left that night with their personal information. Still, the group plans to continue with the graffiti campaign and to highlight other state crimes, such as the persecution of leftist political parties.
“We take over the walls and streets with art because we are in the construction of our own media and channels of communication,” the artists said. “The streets are and will always remain ours.”
“Black infants in America are now more than twice as likely to die as white infants—11.3 per 1,000 black babies, compared with 4.9 per 1,000 white babies, according to the most recent government data—a racial disparity that is actually wider than in 1850, 15 years before the end of slavery, when most black women were…
he ownership of images has a long and nuanced legal history, which has evolved dramatically in recent years as cultural standards and photographic technologies have rapidly advanced
The show, which honors the 50th anniversary of an exhibition history once ignored, continues a series of projects documenting Wilmington’s contemporary art scene.
Renty and his daughter Delia. Renty was an enslaved African, kidnapped from the Congo, sold and forced into slave labor on the South Carolina plantation of B.F. Taylor
What is the relation between possessing a person, possessing their image, and dispossessing their progeny
As a scholar of African American history and photography whose work has focused on the status of violent images in museums and archives, I fully support the validity of Ms. Tamara Lanier’s claim and the amicus brief.
Two K-12 art teachers will each receive a $1,000 cash gift and an additional $500 to put toward classroom art supplies. Nominations are due October 31.
The daguerreotypes of Renty Taylor, Delia, Drana, Alfred, Jack, George Fassena, and Jem remained in an unused storage cabinet until 1975, when it was discovered by an employee of the Peabody Museum.
I am writing in support of the amicus curiae brief submitted by Professor Ariella Aïsha Azoulay of Brown University for the full restitution of the daguerreotypes of Renty Taylor and his daughter Delia, currently held by Harvard University, to their familial descendant, Tamara Lanier.
We cannot be indifferent to the long-lasting effects of photography. The photographs at the center of Lanier v. Harvard are relentless in making Renty and Delia Taylor work and perform as slaves. The pain inflicted on them has not ceased. Photography has the capacity to propagate harm, and we have the moral obligation to interrupt…